President Bola Tinubu has reignited a lightning rod of controversy by reopening the debate on state police— one of the most critical policy issues in Nigeria’s public discourse. Intriguingly, despite being on the front burner since the return of democracy in 1999, the idea of state police has never been adopted or implemented.
A clear indication of how persistent this demand has been lies in the fact that former military head of state, General Olusegun Obasanjo, who became Nigeria’s civilian president in 1999, was the first to moot the idea of state police. Yet, the initiative never materialized. Will President Tinubu’s attempt also suffer the same fate, fizzling out like Obasanjo’s aborted effort?
Tinubu, however, is known for his relentlessness in pursuing reforms. Having successfully ended both petrol and naira subsidies despite fierce opposition, he may well succeed with his push to decentralize Nigeria’s policing system. The frequency with which state police have been debated by lawmakers, policymakers, and citizens is rivaled only by the calls for constitutional amendment.
For context, the removal of petrol and naira subsidies has been a contentious issue since the mid-1980s. Under General Ibrahim Babangida, the IMF recommended the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), which included subsidy removal. But following nationwide protests, Babangida backed down and subsidies persisted. Subsequent Presidents—Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, Jonathan, and Buhari—all attempted reforms but failed. Tinubu, however, ended the subsidy regime on May 29, 2023, declaring on inauguration day: “Subsidy is gone.”
Despite resistance from many Nigerians, Tinubu held his ground. That decision has since spurred massive private sector investment in the oil and gas sector, evident in the 650,000 barrels-per-day Dangote refinery and several modular refineries now operating. It also ended the era of agonizing fuel queues.
More importantly, subsidy removal has tripled federal allocations to state governments, empowering them to pursue grassroots development. States like Delta and Edo have already embarked on large-scale infrastructure projects, including major roads and flyovers.
Like subsidies, state police have been debated endlessly—arguably more than the Petroleum Industry Bill, which took nearly two decades to pass into law as the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). Given Tinubu’s record of breaking long-standing policy jinxes, Nigeria may indeed be on the cusp of adopting state policing under his Renewed Hope Agenda.
This is why it was both fascinating and surprising when, just before departing for his annual leave in Europe last Friday, Tinubu metaphorically dropped a “bombshell.” He challenged state governors directly by placing the debate on their laps: should Nigeria adopt a state policing system or not?
Tinubu made this remark while addressing North-East governors, led by Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum, during their visit to Aso Rock.
It should be recalled that while all 36 governors initially endorsed the idea of state police, only 20 eventually submitted reports outlining concrete steps toward establishing such a structure. Nonetheless, momentum appears to be building: a bill to establish a decentralized policing framework has already passed its first reading in the National Assembly.
Perhaps, just as the three tax reform laws that initially got stuck in the legislative pipeline due to resistance from lawmakers were later unstuck through the careful management of sensitive regional, ethnocultural, and religious concerns—resolved by setting up a joint committee between the legislative and executive branches—Nigeria’s century-old tax laws impeding effective and efficient taxation have now been replaced with dynamic ones in tune with 21st-century realities.
Based on that experience, one can be optimistic that the decentralization of the police system may become another box ticked on the checklist of progress and development that Tinubu’s administration is increasingly becoming known for.
The only snag in Tinubu’s governance— which he has lately praised himself for, citing that Nigeria is no longer borrowing locally and that the nation’s revenue target was met in August (four months ahead of December), to the chagrin of his opponents—is that due to the long gestation period associated with reforms of this magnitude, the impact on ordinary citizens is yet to be felt positively in their daily lives. Yet, drawing from global experience, reforms of this scale take time to yield dividends. By keeping his foot firmly on the reform pedal, the Tinubu administration is likely to achieve the desired transformation, already manifesting slowly but surely.
Admittedly, such optimism may sound like gibberish to skeptics who demand immediate results. Yet, undeniably, inflation is beginning to dip while Nigeria’s economic fundamentals—such as foreign exchange reserves at the CBN—have risen significantly, now standing at about $41 billion under Tinubu’s watch.
Currently, there is much talk about Nigeria becoming a trillion-dollar economy—a legitimate aspiration. But the goal may remain elusive if insecurity continues to define the Nigerian landscape. That is why the type of policing Nigeria adopts under the current circumstances should not be politicized. The fact that policing has been politicized since the return to multiparty democracy in 1999 is, therefore, deeply disappointing.
Nevertheless, by tossing the decision of whether to decentralize or retain the colonial structure of the Nigeria police to state governors—a move that reaffirms his reputation as a political maverick—Tinubu seems to have set the stage for a new dawn in policing.
I do not know if other observers of Nigeria’s sociopolitical and economic space have noticed, but I have observed that Tinubu appears to be digging into the archives of Nigeria’s lingering headaches dating back four, if not five, decades to tackle specific national challenges. Take for example petrol and naira subsidies, the recent tax reforms, and local government autonomy reforms. Although the Supreme Court has ruled on LGA autonomy, implementation is still pending, while the tax reforms will take effect in January next year.
Because Tinubu has managed to push through these reforms, one could argue—contrary to critics who dismiss his reforms as haphazard—that there is evidence of a methodical plan to reset Nigeria economically, socially, and politically under his Renewed Hope Agenda.
Undoubtedly, insecurity remains Nigeria’s greatest social crisis. It is particularly urgent to slay this hydra-headed monster, given its multi-dimensional effects: triggering food insecurity, unemployment, hunger, and poverty. The impact is so horrendous and encompassing that it is perplexing that state governments, police authorities, and politicians have resisted decentralization since it was first mooted under Obasanjo’s administration.
Following President Tinubu’s charge to governors to take a position on state police, I revisited my archives and retrieved an article I wrote in 2002—23 years ago—titled ‘Deregulating the National Security System’ published on 15/12/2002.
Before citing six other interventions I have made in the past two decades on insecurity and the need for decentralization, it is worth highlighting recent Boko Haram atrocities in Borno and Katsina states. These tragic incidents may have influenced Tinubu’s renewed push for governors to harmonize their positions on policing, reminiscent of how governors were compelled to agree on a minimum wage figure during negotiations between the Federal Government and the NLC.
Recent Boko Haram Attacks:
1. Borno State:
• On September 6, 2025, Boko Haram attacked Darul Jamal village in Bama LGA, killing at least 63 people, including 5 soldiers.
• On August 22, 2025, terrorists ambushed a group escorting farmers in Konduga LGA, killing four people, including a soldier and a mobile police officer.
2. Katsina State:
• On August 20, 2025, gunmen attacked a mosque in Unguwan Mantau village, killing at least 50 worshippers and abducting around 60 others. The attack was believed to be retaliation after locals killed some bandits.
For a country not officially at war, these fatality rates are alarming. Boko Haram has terrorized Nigeria for over 20 years, displacing millions and killing tens of thousands. The group first gained international notoriety by bombing the UN offices in Abuja, and later in 2014, by kidnapping over 270 Chibok schoolgirls.
Although the police are constitutionally mandated to maintain law and order, the scale of terrorism has forced the military to step in. Still, as many of us have long argued, Nigeria’s centralized police structure is inadequate for a country growing as rapidly as ours. Nigeria’s population has ballooned from roughly 40 million at independence in 1960 to around 240 million today—a 415% increase. Yet, police recruitment has not kept pace. The Nigeria Police Force currently has only about 300,000– 400,000 personnel, far below the estimated 1 million officers required.
Clearly, Nigeria needs a more decentralized and agile police force. This justifies Tinubu’s latest move, effectively throwing the ball into the governors’ court. They must now decide whether to decentralize policing and assume responsibility as chief security officers of their states, or to maintain the status quo where state police commands answer only to the Inspector General of Police in Abuja.
Since 2002, I have consistently underscored the importance of effective policing as a precondition for Nigeria’s social, political, and economic development. My advocacy predates Tinubu’s administration and cannot be dismissed as blind loyalty.
For instance, I wrote:
• ‘Deregulating National Security System” (15/11/2002)
• ‘Is Nigeria’s Security Architecture Degenerating Into A Mess?’ (6/12/2017)
• ‘Is Nigeria Police Courting Another Youth Resistance Like EndSARS?’ (10/1/2024)
• ‘Police As X-Factor In Nigeria’s Fight Against Insecurity’ (27/2/2024)
• ‘Are Those Opposed To State Police Putting Our Lives At Risk?’ (15/10/2024).
Dr. Reuben Abati, a prolific columnist for ThisDay newspaper and an anchorman for Arise News television station had noted during a 2023 interview on Arise News while reviewing my book, ‘Leading From The Streets: Media Interventions By A Public Intellectual,’ Nigeria’s leaders do not listen to advice from columnists and commentary from broadcasters. I disagreed with him, then and I still do so now.
In any case, it was Harry S. Truman, the 33rd President of the United States, who said: “I would rather have a government that can lie to the people and the people can read about it in the paper than a government that can control the papers.”
This quote highlights Truman’s perspective on the importance of a free press in holding government accountable, as opposed to a government-controlled media. The sentiment aligns with the idea of valuing a free press as a crucial pillar of democracy.
In my considered opinion, that should be the gold standard for leaders in the democratic world.
It also buttresses the point that I have been making that the presidency should have an ombudsman. Not only to curate its output to society via the media and also get feedback, but also to manage the expectations of Nigerians and coordinate policy formulation and the buy-in of the Nigerian masses into the government’s agenda.
Obviously, as important as the change from centralized policing and state/community policing is to ending the human carnage arising from the horrendous state of insecurity in Nigeria, some critical stakeholders are opposed to it for political, emotional, and cultural reasons.
This category of people ranges from the IGP and top echelon of police hierarchy that do not want their sphere of influence to be reduced, the governors who may not want to expose their security votes currently opaque to public scrutiny, and politicians who may be nursing ulterior motives for the police under the control of states that may be unwholesome to society. Some of the sentiments against state/community police are driven by how overbearing- Islamic police in Kano and the Ebube- Agu vigilante group in Anambra State for instance have been to innocent members of society. I fully understand how things can go awry when irresponsible individuals are vested with police power.
But be that as it may, the benefits of state police outweigh the demerits. Hence my counsel is that as the conventional wisdom goes: we cannot throw away the babe and the bathwater.
I therefore urge those opposed to the push for a change from the centralized policing system to state/community policing to keep an open mind.
In the wisdom of Glennon Doyle, an American author, speaker, and activist known for her insightful writings on personal growth, spirituality, and living authentically.
“Nothing can be gained without losing. Even heaven demands death. You want to rise, something has to fall.
Every transformation demands a trade.
You can’t rise without release.
Can’t expand without breaking something open.
Can’t step into the next level while clinging to the last version of you.”
In the quote above, Glendon Doyle elegantly makes the case that growth is grief.
In other words, to become something new, one must let go of everything that made the old version possible.
If Nigerian governors return to President Tinubu with a collective resolve to introduce state or community policing— which already exists in practice under the guise of vigilante groups in various states—Nigeria would have taken another giant step forward towards becoming a trillion-dollar economy sooner than later.
But if leaders at the subnational level remain divided and refrain from strongly supporting a decentralized police force, then it would not be for lack of advocacy from members of the commentariat.
Such a reform could change Nigeria’s narrative—from being described as a killing field to being recognized as an ideal destination for human habitation and business growth.
If that happens before the curtain falls on 2025, it will mark another remarkable feather on Tinubu’s political cap.